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The Afghan Conundrum

Opublikował(a): Editor w dziale Świat dnia 12/02/09 | brak komentarzy

The Afghan Conundrum

Thomas Mikulski

On September 11, 2001, the United States fell victim to an abominable attack by international extremists; and, on October 7, 2001, it invaded Afghanistan to depose the regime that sheltered them. The United States primarily applied its Special Forces to support a ragtag anti-Taliban coalition from the North; and, by November 2001, Taliban leader Mullah Muhammad Omar fled Kandahar – the traditional hotbed of Taliban power – for refuge in Pakistan. In December 2001, the United States led an operation in Tora Bora – a mountainous region near the border with Pakistan – to kill, capture, and repel holdout al Qaeda and Taliban fighters; and in so doing, it came within reach of Osama bin Laden – the leader of al Qaeda and mastermind of the September 11th attacks. He reportedly escaped the battle by horseback into the Pakistani state of Waziristan to continue his extremist movement; but, despite that setback, the American invasion successfully deposed an oppressive regime from a notoriously difficult environment with relatively few forces in barely three months. Shortly afterward, Afghan factions that overthrew the Taliban regime held a loya jirga – a meeting of Afghan tribal elders – to select Hamid Karzai, a Western-educated expatriate, as Afghanistan’s interim leader. In 2004, he successfully led an effort to develop an Afghan Constitution that created a strong Executive Office; later that year, he also won Afghanistan’s first democratic Presidential election. Western nations soon began to rebuild Afghanistan’s dilapidated infrastructure, which had been destroyed by nearly thirty years of war. In particular, they rebuilt roads and highways to connect Afghanistan’s disparate cities; and, Hamid Karzai leveraged those efforts to unite Afghan society under a strong national Government. Afghan women – who had been particularly oppressed by the Taliban – began to receive educations; and, international companies gradually began to invest in an upstart nation that seemed to offer new markets and business opportunities.

In April 2003, the United States launched the invasion of Iraq to depose Saddam Hussein; and, in short order, it ousted the Iraqi dictatorship and installed its own transitional Government. At first, its leadership seemed effective – despite inevitable challenges and setbacks, the transitional Government pressed Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish factions to unite under a national coalition. But, for various reasons, anti-Government militias arose; and, after a devastating February 2006 bombing of Samarra’s Golden Mosque – which Shiites likened to an attack on the Vatican – Iraq devolved into a sectarian civil war. For the next three years, American attention focused intently upon that insurgency; and, the Afghanistan War soon became the “Forgotten War”.

While American resources and manpower poured into Iraq, the Afghanistan campaign began to unravel. In 2003, Mullah Mohammed Omar began to develop the modern Afghan insurgency from the relative safety of Pakistan’s tribal regions; and, his movement began to fund itself through the illicit sale of opium. By 2005, the Afghan Taliban became a fearsome guerilla force – one that couldn’t necessarily overthrow the Afghan Government, but one that could severely weaken Soldiers’ morale and threaten the West’s commitment to the war. The Afghan Taliban retook several cities as Western forces looked on: without sufficient resources and manpower, the West could not mount campaigns to win them back and simultaneously defend regions it already controlled. In January 2006, NATO assumed responsibility for operations in southern Afghanistan – and, though it has almost always defeated the Taliban in battle, it’s thus far been unable to defeat the insurgency entirely.

Since 2006, the Afghan Taliban has become even stronger; and, American and NATO forces have been subject to increasingly frequent and sophisticated attacks from Taliban fighters. In October 2007, Canadian forces surrounded approximately 300 insurgents to counter an offensive against Kandahar. In December 2007, NATO and Afghan forces recaptured Musa Qala from Taliban forces, who had occupied the town of approximately 20,000 people since October 2006. In April 2008, Hamid Karzai escaped a brazen assassination attempt in Kabul; and, in June 2008, the Taliban successfully freed 1,200 prisoners – 400 of whom had been Taliban prisoners of war – in a nighttime motorcycle raid from a Kandahar prison. Since 2008, Taliban forces have also concentrated attacks against Western supply lines in the North and East; and, several hundred foreign fighters from Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Chechnya, various Arab countries and even western China have applied techniques learned in Iraq against American and NATO forces in Afghanistan.

The West has already increased its commitment to Afghanistan on several occasions to counter this insurgency. In 2008, the United States increased its troop commitment from approximately 27,000 to 48,000; in January 2009, it increased to approximately 51,000; and, in February 2009, to over 68,000. As of July 2009, Britain has committed approximately 9,500 troops to the war; Germany, 4,245; France, 3,070; Canada, 2,830; Italy, 2,795; the Netherlands, 2,160; and Poland, 2,035. In total, forty-two nations have thus far contributed over 101,000 troops to the conflict; and, since 2001, the United States alone has spent over $400B to fight in Afghanistan.

On December 1, 2009, President Barack Obama is scheduled to detail the results of an internal Afghanistan War review to the American public; and, though the details of this speech are not known as of this writing, various military and international analysts have laid the groundwork for the likely course ahead. In the next year, I believe the President will further increase the American troop commitment by approximately 34,000 troops. Approximately 9,000 Marines will reportedly deploy in December 2009 to combat the Afghan Taliban in southern Afghanistan. I also believe the President will challenge Europe to expand its troop commitment, as well – most likely, by approximately 10,000 troops to support Afghan force development and training. I also think the military will withdraw from remote combat outposts – that is, camps of between twenty and forty coalition troops on remote mountain terrains – and, focus instead on urban areas like Kabul and Kandahar; in so doing, it’ll likely defend major population centers with greater effectiveness – and thereby, as many military analysts contend, defend 75% of the Afghan population 100% of the time and not vice versa. The Taliban will likely respond by conducting attacks in the North and West; and, it will likely mount a persistent defense of its territory in the South. In recent years, American and NATO forces have been subject to increased fatalities and injuries; and, in the near term, these rates will likely become even worse.

Despite these circumstances, recent developments on the ground should offer some hope. In 2008, representatives of the Afghan Taliban met with Saudi officials to discuss possibilities to negotiate a peaceful settlement to the conflict. This meeting exposed two important facts: first, the Afghan Taliban and the Pakistani Taliban are two completely different organizations. They have different goals – and, in recent years, they have increasingly been at odds with one another. The Pakistani Taliban is a religious extremist organization with aspirations to attack Western interests abroad; the Afghan Taliban, on the other hand, is a nationalist organization with aspirations to eliminate Western troops in Afghanistan and to install its own fundamentalist Government. Although the West will likely be unable to negotiate with the Pakistani Taliban, it will likely be able to do so with the Afghan Taliban under appropriate conditions. And, this leads to the second point: since that meeting, the Afghan Taliban has seldom – if ever – spoken with outside forces about a negotiated settlement because it believes it’s winning the conflict. Until the West reasserts control over Afghanistan, efforts to negotiate with Afghan Taliban leaders in a manner that preserves Western regional interests will likely fail.

In 2009, the Pakistani military – after years of negotiation with American and Western diplomats – has finally undertaken a major military campaign against the Pakistani Taliban on the Afghan-Pakistan border. This campaign offers Western forces the opportunity to press the Afghan Taliban against the western border of Pakistan; and, if Pakistan’s military simultaneously forces the Pakistani Taliban against the eastern border of Afghanistan, the two campaigns can surround the Taliban factions to ensure their defeat and to eliminate or capture their leadership. The West has pressed for this opportunity since the early days of the Afghanistan War; and, these developments offer a realistic opportunity to bring the so-called “Hammer and Anvil” strategy to fruition. It may lead to opportunities for a peaceful settlement to the overall conflict.

Finally, the al Qaeda organization has – in recent years – lost considerable influence both within Pakistan and around the world. Religious scholars and former militants in the Middle East have openly criticized al Qaeda for its indiscriminant killing of Muslims, especially in Iraq; and, support for the group among civilian populations has declined greatly. For instance, only 10% of Saudis now support the al Qaeda organization; and, its support in Indonesia, Lebanon, and Bangladesh has fallen by over half in the past five years. In addition, according to Western intelligence, the al Qaeda organization now contains just a few hundred fighters – compared to approximately 10,000 Afghan Taliban fighters; and, in recent years, non-associated groups have independently undertaken the cause that al Qaeda supports. Osama bin Laden and Ayman al Zawahiri are certainly dangerous; and, the West would like nothing more than to kill or capture them. But, they also do not threaten Western interests as they once had; and so, the West can instead focus greater resources toward the Afghan Taliban’s defeat.

But, these developments do not detract from an all-important fact: the Afghanistan War in the years ahead will be long and bloody. The modern Afghan insurgency required approximately six years to develop; and, Western forces may fight just as long to quell it. The West will undoubtedly find victories along the way – such as the recent assassination of Baitullah Mehsud, who led the Pakistani Taliban in Waziristan. But, it will also suffer serious defeats and embarrassments – such as the accidental attacks on civilian targets by unmanned aerial drones. Everyone has a right to an opinion – and, the complexity of this conflict will draw reasonable conclusions on both sides of the debate. But, if you support this escalation, be prepared for a difficult struggle; nothing will undermine both American and Polish efforts in Afghanistan more than weak support at home. The Taliban cannot defeat us on the battlefield; but, it can break our will. And, the outcome of this war – which is currently uncertain – will rest almost entirely upon our desire to fight it. So, for those who sit alone tonight in the Afghan wilderness to defend our interests and national security, I encourage our readership to remain vigilant and to maintain realistic expectations of our progress in the region.

The Polish Weekly welcomes opposing viewpoints. To contact Thomas Mikulski, please send an e-mail to thomas.p.mikulski@gmail.com.

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Rise of the Red Rival

Opublikował(a): Editor w dziale Opinie, Polonia, Świat dnia 10/15/09 | brak komentarzy

Rise of the Red Rival

Thomas Mikulski

On Thursday, October 1, 2009, the People’s Republic of China celebrated its 60th anniversary of existence with vibrant fireworks, powerful speeches, and lock-stepped parades. Its cities were filled with throngs of genuinely cheerful citizens; and, its leadership swelled with pride. Leaders from across the world congratulated the People’s Republic for its participation and influence in international affairs; and, they applauded the Chinese people’s recent but remarkable accomplishments: among them, that China’s economy has grown approximately 10% each year across the past three decades, and that – with a GDP of approximately $7.8T – it is the world’s second-largest economic system; that China’s military appropriated an estimated $60.3B last year to upgrade its 2.3M-member People’s Liberation Army (PLA) – the largest such army in the world; that the percentage of China’s population in higher education rose from 1.4% in 1978 to 20% last year, and that its population of undergraduates and doctoral candidates increased five-fold in the past decade – which represents one of the greatest expansions of educational opportunity in modern times; and, that Chinese leadership and influence have recently afforded hope and prosperity to far flung corners of the globe, particularly in Africa and South America. China’s efforts have fueled an incredible sense of optimism among its citizens; and, the Chinese Government has directed its citizens’ efforts toward important national aspirations. China, it seems, has begun its ascent to preeminence in international affairs; and, the increasingly apparent prospects of a Far Eastern power shift have undeniably jittered Western psychologies.

China has obviously secured extraordinary success in recent years; and, its people – through painstaking effort, sacrifice, and national resolve – have earned their international respect and acclaim. China is a beautiful country that maintains and honors its ancient culture and history; and, it’s people – by most accounts – are incredibly respectful and kind. Even their youngest children value education as a means to achieve their highest ambitions; and, their newfound optimism has encouraged them to fight for improved governance and work toward even greater accomplishments. If these people were our friends or neighbors, we’d admire them and often encourage our own children to follow their example. But, because their efforts threaten the United States’ global position, China is also our most formidable rival.

It’s easy to become discouraged by this newfound challenge: as we all know, the United States simultaneously faces many intractable obstacles that China does not apparently share. For instance, the United States must develop a strategy to sustain recent success in Iraq, and simultaneously transition its military force to other parts of the world; the United States must alter its military strategy in Afghanistan to repel a persistent and destabilizing insurgency; the United States must operate alongside Pakistani military and civilian personnel to defeat Taliban and al Qaeda fighters in Waziristan; the United States must work alongside both Israeli and Palestinian officials to realize a stable Two-State Solution; the United States must negotiate with belligerent Iranian leaders that suspiciously seek advanced nuclear technologies; the United States must engage NATO to contain Russia’s aggression against former Soviet satellites; the United States must engage the relocation of extremist Islamic power in the Horn of Africa and contain their spread throughout the Sahara; the United States must confront the recent expansion of Socialism in South America and limit its negative effects against American interests; the United States must engage allies in Latin and South America to win the persistent Drug Wars, which, in Mexico, are currently tattered; the United States must confront emerging economic forces in East Asia by bolstering confidence in the American economic system; the United States must continue negotiations with North Korea to disarm its nuclear military arsenal; the United States must galvanize divided Western powers against emerging alliances between Russia, China, Venezuela, Iran, and Cuba; the United States must support movements against violence and political repression in Darfur, Kashmir, Burma, Tibet, Cuba, and Columbia; and, the United States must handle various domestic issues that diminish its widely admired sense of confidence and optimism. Under such intense pressure and duress, it’s no wonder that some have asked: how can the United States possibly compete with China?

First of all, we must realize that we cannot prevent Chinese citizens from exerting themselves to improve their international position. We cannot do anything to convince China to interrupt its march toward global power; and, we ought not expect it to relinquish its national drive toward success and prosperity. In addition, we must expect China to succeed at some level in attaining its ambitions: China contains an immense population that’s intellectually driven and committed to ambitious national goals. The United States – despite its strength and effort – will be unable to totally deflect that momentum; and, it’ll likely learn to share considerable influence within the international sphere with China and other countries during our lifetimes. The rise of multilateralism is inevitable; and, the United States must not deny nor shrink from the New World Order.

But we ought not resign ourselves to defeat, either. The United States’ economy remains the world’s largest; and, its military is the best equipped and most experienced fighting force that mankind’s ever developed. The United States already maintains positions of strength in regions that China has only recently entered – including Africa and South America. And, the United States has already endured and overcome national traumas that have improved its governance and institutional structures. Even under these difficult circumstances, Americans generally lead positive lives – and, most international observers positively view the United States’ prospects in the years ahead.

But, the United States shouldn’t remain complacent: China’s success is real, and its actions have already begun to encroach on American national interests. To counter this rival, the United States must redevelop characteristics and practices for which it has historically been recognized – and, they ought to be directed against facets of Chinese society that Western nations find objectionable. For instance, the United States has historically been known to defend human rights throughout the world; and, China has one of the world’s worst human rights records. The United States should reinvigorate its international reputation for human rights by closing detention facilities in Guantanamo Bay; by unequivocally ending borderline torture techniques by its intelligence services; and, by eliminating extraordinary rendition – and afterwards, it such then confront China on its far more appalling human rights record against Tibet and the Uighur minority community.

The United States should also openly examine its strengths and weaknesses; and, it should then direct its efforts to quickly but effectively apply its strengths against its adversaries and to reinvigorate institutions in disrepair. For instance, our country’s K-12 educational system is widely discredited within both the United States and the international community; and, China’s educational system – as described above – is flourishing. We must recognize that without concrete and sustained reform, our educational system will be unable to compete with those in other countries; and, that China will inevitably develop an educational gap with the United States. Education reform – in this sense – is as much an important domestic issue as it is a human rights and national security issue; and, we must thereby confront it. We must also begin to match China’s decisiveness and national resolve within our democratic framework; to do so, the Republican and Democratic parties must begin to reconcile their bitter divisions and renew their commitment to pragmatism.

Many within our community have often asked: now that Soviet Communism has disintegrated in Poland, what should American Polonia’s mission be? Over the past several months, I have advocated for increased integration with American society and international communities to counteract ongoing global and domestic issues; and, although this might require an intellectual shift from purely Polish interests, I strongly believe that my views represent a long-required return to pragmatic action. In this New World Order, American Polonia ought to embrace multilateralism and tackle issues of importance to the West – and specifically, to our American and Polish homelands. Sino-American relations therefore fall within this category because they directly affect our lives in the United States and threaten Western influence throughout the world; and, since Poland is unambiguously tied to the West, it threatens Polish interests, as well.

Of course, there are many issues that fall within this paradigm; and, each offers opportunities to improve our own community’s role and influence in national affairs. However, if we remain convinced that such issues ought not concern us – and, that we ought to uniformly look toward Poland for matters to address – we might wake up someday to find that our own international stature has been surpassed by those who have rightly committed themselves to their national interests. Here’s hoping we never come to that moment; and, that we actively counteract these threats before they fully mature.

The Polish Weekly welcomes opposing viewpoints. To contact Thomas Mikulski, please send an e-mail to thomas.p.mikulski@gmail.com.

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General Pulaski Memorial Day, 2009

Opublikował(a): Editor w dziale Polonia, Świat dnia 10/10/09 | brak komentarzy

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary October 9, 2009

GENERAL PULASKI MEMORIAL DAY, 2009

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA A PROCLAMATION

Each year on this day, Americans pause to remember a patriot and champion of liberty who fought valiantly for the freedom of our Nation. During our struggle for independence, General Casimir Pulaski displayed heroic leadership and ultimately sacrificed his life in service to our country. His commitment to liberty remains an inspiration to us today, 230 years later, and it serves as a reflection of the many contributions Polish Americans have made to our national identity.

Born in Poland in 1745, Brigadier General Casimir Pulaski witnessed the occupation of Poland by foreign troops during his youth. He joined the struggle for Polish independence in 1768, fighting alongside his father with unwavering determination. Despite the tremendous courage of Pulaski and his compatriots, the foreign forces prevailed and Poland was divided among three of its neighbors. The young Casimir Pulaski was exiled, and, while in Paris, met America’s envoy to France, Benjamin Franklin, and learned of our nascent quest for independence.

Arriving in America during the summer of 1777, General Pulaski quickly earned a commission and led his troops with admirable skill in a number of important campaigns. He would eventually become known as the “Father of the American Cavalry.” In 1779, Pulaski was mortally wounded during the siege of Savannah while trying to rally his troops under heavy enemy fire. Before laying down his life for the United States, this Polish and American hero had earned a reputation for his idealism and his courageous spirit.

Pulaski’s ideals live on today in the many Polish-American communities across the country. These neighborhoods continue to celebrate Polish culture, while adding immeasurably to our national identity. Their contributions have expanded our collective knowledge, pushing the boundaries of science, business, and the arts. With each passing year, the cooperation between the United States and Poland grows, supported by the dedication and commitment of Polish Americans to our shared history. Today, as we remember General Pulaski, we celebrate our strong friendship with Poland, and honor those Americans of Polish heritage.

(OVER)

NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim Sunday, October 11, 2009, as General Pulaski Memorial Day. I encourage all Americans to commemorate this occasion with appropriate programs and activities paying tribute to Casimir Pulaski and honoring all those who defend the freedom of our great Nation.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this ninth day of October, in the year of our Lord two thousand nine, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-fourth.

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE - Office of the Press Secretary

October 9, 2009

GENERAL PULASKI MEMORIAL DAY, 2009

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA A PROCLAMATION

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Holocaust Remembrance

Opublikował(a): Editor w dziale Świat dnia 09/24/09 | brak komentarzy

Congressman Peters and other Members of Congress Call on President Obama to Step-Up U.S. Participation in Holocaust Remembrance. As International Community Works to Preserve Auschwitz Concentration Camp, U.S. Has Fallen Behind on Commitment of Funds

Washington, D.C. – On Thursday, Congressman Gary Peters and 44 other Members of Congress called upon President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to join the international community in committing funds to the Auschwitz-Birkenau Foundation, which seeks to preserve the decaying Nazi death camp to ensure that the atrocities of the Holocaust never occur again. While commitments have been made by the Polish, German, British and French governments, as well as the European Union, the United States has so far committed to little more than a promise to “review” the Foundation’s plans.

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Marek Piotrowski

Opublikował(a): Editor w dziale Polska, Świat dnia 09/04/09 | brak komentarzy

Marek Piotrowski - Dziewięciokrotny Mistrz Świata w kick boxingu

W biografiach wielkich ludzi nie zawsze najistotniejsze są momenty chwały i wielkich osiągnięć, choć to dzięki nim są najbardziej znani. Drogę życia wyznaczają nie spektakularne wydarzenia, lecz małe, nieuchwytne dla oczu innych momenty, w których człowiek musi walczyć sam ze sobą.

Hstoria Marka “The Punisher” Piotrowskiego, 9-krotnego mistrza świata w kick-boxingu, jest nieprawdopodobna. „To życiowy scenariusz na kasowy film” – tak mówił swego czasu, zainteresowany Piotrowskim, znany aktor Daniel Olbrychski. W Stanach Zjednoczonych przebywał prawie 14 lat, a w ciągu dwóch lat od przylotu osiągnął wszystko, co można było osiągnąć w kick-boxingu. Marek był człowiekiem, jednym z nielicznych, który poderwał Polonię. Polscy emigranci w Chicago nosili go na rękach, ustawiali się w kolejce po autografy i śpiewali Mazurka Dąbrowskiego po kolejnych wygranych starciach. Byli w Marku absolutnie zakochani. Do dziś w „Wietrznym Mieście” wielu biznesmenów trzyma na ścianach zdjęcia Marka Piotrowskiego z własnoręcznym podpisem. To wszystko zaczęło się 18 sierpnia 1988 roku. Wtedy Marek Piotrowski, po wielu sukcesach odniesionych w Polsce i w Europie (w październiku 1987) wywalczył Amatorskie Mistrzostwo Świata WAKO (full contact) – Monachium, a w grudniu tego samego roku Puchar Świata w Budapeszcie) opuszczał Polskę i leciał do USA.

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Spotkanie u pana Dominika

Opublikował(a): Editor w dziale Polonia, Polska, Świat dnia 07/14/09 | brak komentarzy

Zapewne nie ja jedna zastanawiam się, dlaczego pan Dominik Piwowarski, nie został wielkim śpiewakiem? Wspaniały głos, dykcja, nienaganna prezencja; czego więcej potrzeba, aby zostać bohaterem scen? Życie prowadzi człowieka różnymi drogami, pisząc swoją księgę. Niezwykle ciekawą, jeśli chodzi o pana Dominika, znanego detroickiej Polonii przede wszystkim jako solisty chóru „Filaretów”, a kiedyś także aktywnie towarzyszącego żonie Franciszce w jej długoletniej działalności w Związku Polaków (pełniła funkcję prezeski gminy 133 oraz dyrektorki na stan Michigan); wreszcie kochającego, troskliwego męża.

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Lech Wałęsa w Chicago

Opublikował(a): Editor w dziale Polonia, Polska, Świat dnia 06/04/09 | brak komentarzy

czwartek 28 maja 2009r. na zaproszenie Uniwersytetu Northeastern Illinos do Chicago, przyleciał laureat nagrody Nobla, legendarny przywódca Solidarność i były Prezydent RP Lech Wałęsa. Na lotnisku O’Hare przywitał go Zygmunt Matyniak Konsul Generalny RP.

W piątek o godzinie drugiej po południu Lech Wałęsa był gościem tej uczelni a punktem kulminacyjnym było odsłonięcie tablicy i nadanie najwyższemu budynkowi kampusu UNI imieniem Lecha Wałęsy. Prof. Lidia Filus pracownik uniwersytetu Northeastern zaangażowana m.in. w ten projekt powiedziała ze była to wspaniała okazja by właśnie w taka rocznice 20 lecia obalenia komunizmu zaprosić noblistę i uhonorować szkole Jego imieniem Budynek teraz nosi nazwę North Veranda of Lech Wałęsa Hall.

Kolejnym punktem wizyty Lecha Wałęsy w wietrznym miescie był koncert w samym sercu Chicago – Millenium Park. Pt. „Freedom 89 Born In Poland”. Całość prowadził Alan Krashesky jeden z najlepszych prezenterów amerykańskiej telewizji ABC.

W koncercie brały udzial wielkie gwiazdy muzyki takie jak Janusz Olejniczak wspaniały wirtuoz fortepianowy i Leszek Możdżer znany na całym świecie pianista. Wspaniala wokalistka Anna Serafińska i tenor Leszek Swidzinski. Na scenie również pojawił się Chor Barbary Bliszty – Paderewski Symphony Orchestra i Zespół Regionalny Pieśni i Tańca Wici – Magdaleny Solorz.

Na wspaniale przygotowane widowisko, które odbyło się w piątkowy wieczór zawitały tłumy osób. Polonia zawsze wspierała Solidarność i dala temu głęboki wyraz śpiewając przypomniane z dawnych lat piosenki opozycji takie jak „Mury: Jacka Kaczmarskiego, „Sen o Viktori” – Dżemu, czy „Dziwny jest tan świat” – Czeslawa Niemena..

Na scenie również pokazał się wspaniały zespól form tanecznych „JUMP” z Chicago, który specjalnie na te okazje przygotował piękny spektakl.

Tekst: Bogdan Węgrzynek

Zdjęcia: Wojciech Lenarczyk

Lech Wałęsa w Chicago - maj 2009

W czwartek 28 maja 2009r. na zaproszenie Uniwersytetu Northeastern Illinos do Chicago, przyleciał laureat nagrody Nobla, legendarny przywódca Solidarność i były Prezydent RP Lech Wałęsa. Na lotnisku O’Hare przywitał go Zygmunt Matyniak Konsul Generalny RP.

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